Antal Csardi, a long-standing MP of Hungary’s Green Party LMP, announced on October 21 that he will leave the party and its parliamentary faction after what he described as irrefutable evidence of backdoor negotiations between a key figure of the ruling Fidesz party and his party's leadership regarding the Budapest mayoral elections in June, held parallel to the EP vote.

Csardi’s departure has effectively dissolved his party's five-member parliamentary faction.

The controversy surrounds David Vitezy, the candidate backed by LMP in the Budapest mayoral race. Vitezy narrowly lost to incumbent Gergely Karacsony after Fidesz withdrew its candidate from the race and stood behind Vitezy.

The 38-year-old Vitezy, known for his expertise in public transport management, was the founder of the Budapest Transport Centre (BKK) in 2010 and held various positions in previous Fidesz governments. 

According to Csardi, he learned of discussions between LMP’s co-chair Peter Ungar and cabinet office leader Antal Rogan, who is Viktor Orban’s most powerful minister in charge of communication and overseeing Hungary’s intelligence services. The talks, attended reportedly by Vitezy, concerned election strategies for the Budapest mayoral race held parallel to the EP elections.

Csardi declined to provide specific details of the meeting, citing the need to protect his source, but stated that the evidence was clear enough to prompt his immediate decision to leave the party.

He says the latest revelations confirm his view, shared by others, that Fidesz planned to pull its candidate, former government spokesperson Alexandra Szentkiralyi, from the race from the very start in favour of the more competent Vitezy as polls showed he had a greater chance of unseating Gergely Karacsony. 

Szentkiralyi, the wife of Defence Minister Kristof Szalay-Bobroviczky, pulled out of the race just two days before the vote and called on his supporters to back the LMP's candidate, which Fidesz sympathisers did diligently as Vitezy garnered 371,245 votes, just 293 behind his rival.

Faced with the possibility of a defeat, incumbent liberal Mayor Karacsony mobilised voters in the final days, seeing his predictions come true, as he had claimed in his campaign all along that this was the strategy of the ruling nationalist party.

Karacsony’s challengers divided the task in attacking the incumbent, analysts noted. Szentkiralyi refused to participate in the televised debate, as she had little vision of the city's future and instead focused on smearing Karacsony. In contrast, Vitezy promised a non-partisan, technocratic leadership and presented a detailed 120-page programme outlining concrete proposals for urban development, transportation improvements and sustainable city planning.  

This strategy of the challengers may also well have formed the basis of negotiations between Rogan and Ungar, although Csardi makes no mention of this.

Csardi also referenced investigative reports by Atlatszo that detailed how Fidesz-affiliated offices and vote counters were involved in preparing the documentation necessary for a recount of mayoral votes.

The LMP (Lehet Mas a Politika) party, which translates to "Politics Can Be Different", was founded in 2009 with the goal of bringing new, eco-friendly and socially responsible approaches to Hungarian politics. The party positions itself as left-leaning, with a focus on environmental issues and anti-corruption. The party received 7.5% of the votes in 2010 and 5.3% in 2014, after internal debates led to a split. In 2018, it gathered 7.1% of the party list votes and in the 2022 election, it was part of the broader opposition coalition running on a joint ticket to challenge Viktor Orban’s supermajority, unsuccessfully.

However, for years many have cited conflict of interest regarding the leadership under Ungar, as his family is deeply connected to Viktor Orban’s regime through business ties, raising concerns about the party's place on the opposition landscape.

Ungar’s mother, a historian, is an important cultural advisor to the prime minister. Maria Schmidt is the director of the House of Terror Museum, a facility established in early 2002 during the first Orban government. Earlier this month, Schmidt accompanied Orban to attend the rally of far-right parties in a show of support for Italian deputy PM Matteo Salvini. 

The Ungar family's flagship listed property developer BIF has won numerous state tenders and received state grants since 2010. In the last six years,  the Ministry of Agriculture has paid BIF HUF10.6bn (€26.4mn) to lease an office building near the prestigious Danube Vigado, which overlooks the Buda Castle.

Last summer, Peter Ungar faced criticism when it was revealed that the prime minister had been staying at a villa in Opatija, Croatia, owned by his family.

In related news, Parliament on Monday voted to suspend Csardi’s immunity from prosecution, with 132 votes in favour, 38 against and 1 abstention. The green politician,  along with several activists, had blocked the entrance to Samsung’s battery factory in God in June, protesting against the government's failure to enforce a court order to reduce production at the facility, after findings that it emitted hazardous materials. 

Ungar denied any wrongdoing and dismissed Csardi’s claims that there was an orchestrated plan involving Fidesz in the mayoral election. Fidesz issued a cynical statement, while Vitezy argued that Csardi was one of his most ardent supporters in the race.

Radical right-wing party leader Laszlo Toroczkay also participated in the debate and, citing unnamed sources, claimed that Fidesz supported Vitezy’s campaign by HUF500mn.