Peru’s security crisis continues to spiral out of control, despite repeated emergency measures imposed by President Dina Boluarte. The government’s response has been met with widespread scepticism, as crime rates remain alarmingly high and accusations of corruption at the highest levels of power undermine any hope of effective governance.

In a desperate attempt to curb rising violence, Boluarte declared a state of emergency in Lima and Callao on March 17, following the high-profile murder of cumbia singer Paul Flores, known as “El Russo” of Armonía 10. The 30-day measure, which came into force on March 18, grants the police control over public order with military support, while suspending fundamental constitutional rights such as freedom of movement and assembly.

Despite these drastic measures, the situation has not improved. At least three additional homicides have occurred since the declaration, casting serious doubt over the government’s security strategy. This marks the second such measure in six months, following a similar declaration in September 2024 that was prompted by transport workers' concerns about extortion. Critics argue that this is merely a reactionary measure, rather than a well-thought-out plan to tackle organised crime and extortion.

Interior Minister Juan José Santiváñez, one of the central figures in this crisis, faces three separate censure motions in Congress, which could be debated between March 26-29. With around 70 potential supporting votes across various political groups, he risks becoming the seventh Interior Minister to be removed under Boluarte’s administration.

“The grave security crisis facing the country evidences the failure of Interior Minister Juan José Santiváñez’s strategy,” stated the Fuerza Popular party in a public announcement demanding his resignation.

Public discontent is evident. According to recent polls, Santiváñez holds a disapproval rating of 79%, but Boluarte remains steadfast in her support for him. This unwavering loyalty appears particularly dubious given their shared legal troubles and political alignment.

The emergency declaration followed the brutal killing of Paul Flores, who was shot when gunmen attacked his band’s tour bus on March 26 after a concert in San Juan de Lurigancho. Despite previous extortion threats against the group, the authorities failed to provide any security.

In response to the outcry, Boluarte made an inflammatory statement suggesting she was “seriously considering the death penalty” for such crimes—despite clear constitutional and international treaty barriers preventing its implementation. Her rhetoric has only added to concerns over the government’s lack of a coherent security strategy.

The Human Rights Ombudsman has publicly questioned the effectiveness of the emergency measures, stating that “previous states of emergency have not significantly reduced crime in the capital and other regions of the country.” The institution has demanded technical documentation supporting the government’s decision, underscoring that security policies should be evidence-based rather than mere political theatre.

Statistics paint a grim picture. According to the Ministry of Health’s Death Information System (Sinadef), over 2,000 homicides were recorded in 2024, with 123 murders already reported in the first month of 2025 alone. Cities such as Lima, Trujillo and Arequipa are plagued by extortion, contract killings and gang-related violence, with transnational criminal groups like the Venezuelan “Tren de Aragua” expanding their operations.

Yet, rather than tackling the root causes, Santiváñez has been engulfed in corruption allegations. Protected witnesses claim he solicited bribes to influence judicial decisions, allegedly receiving $20,000 in January 2024 to sway a Constitutional Court ruling. Evidence presented by the Public Prosecutor’s Office includes WhatsApp messages, audio recordings, and bank transfer records. Even after assuming office, he reportedly continued aiding a convicted police officer, arranging for his transfer to a less restrictive prison facility.

Despite overwhelming evidence, Boluarte has chosen to shield her minister rather than hold him accountable. At the National Emergency Operations Centre, she embraced Santiváñez and dismissed the accusations as “political harassment.”

Bloomberg describes Boluarte, whose approval rating has plummeted to a dismal 5%, as “one of the world’s most unpopular leaders," and her absence from the World Economic Forum in Davos during the peak of the security crisis has only fuelled criticism of her detachment from the country’s pressing issues.

The administration’s handling of the crisis is not only ineffective but also authoritarian in nature. The emergency declaration allows security forces to enter homes without judicial warrants and restricts public gatherings—powers that human rights groups warn could be easily abused. Meanwhile, despite claims of increased security presence, reports indicate that military and police forces were notably absent from key areas in Lima during the first hours of the emergency’s implementation.

Peru’s security crisis is not an isolated phenomenon. Similar situations in Ecuador and Colombia highlight the expansion of organised crime across the region. However, the Peruvian government’s response—characterised by reactionary measures, empty rhetoric, and blatant corruption—raises serious doubts about its ability to effectively address the crisis.

As the country braces for a parliamentary showdown over Santiváñez’s fate, the broader issue remains: Can Peru break free from the cycle of violence, corruption and governmental incompetence? With Boluarte at the helm, the outlook appears increasingly bleak.