Cross-border oil smuggling reveals dark underbelly of US-Mexico trade nexus

Cross-border oil smuggling reveals dark underbelly of US-Mexico trade nexus
Market intelligence firm PetroIntelligence estimates that oil smuggling and theft cost Mexico roughly $24mn per day, totalling nearly $10bn annually.
By Alek Buttermann April 29, 2025

In a case that exposes the growing interconnection between white-collar and organised crime, a Utah couple has been accused of orchestrating one of the largest fuel smuggling operations in recent US-Mexico history—allegedly funnelling nearly 2,900 illegal shipments of crude oil into the United States with an estimated value of $300mn. James Lael Jensen and Kelly Anne Jensen, along with their two sons, face charges of money laundering and illicit trade, according to court documents from the Utah District Court. The scandal has triggered broader concerns over regulatory failure, fiscal losses, and the deeply rooted illicit fuel market straddling the border.

What makes this case particularly alarming is the accused's direct financial relationship with Mexican criminal gangs. Payments for the smuggled crude were reportedly funnelled into businesses authorised by these groups. US local media, including KSL-TV and Valley Central, report that the Jensen family used falsified customs documents to disguise the oil as lubricants or petroleum distillates—a tactic well-known in border smuggling circles. Their company, Arroyo Terminals, based in Texas and equipped with its own fleet of 30,000-barrel barges, became the commercial hub of the operation. On the same day the couple was arrested at their $9.1mn mansion in Sandy, Utah, federal agents raided their terminal facilities in Texas.

The latest scandal comes amid a wider crackdown by Mexican authorities on fuel smuggling, which has disrupted supply chains and exposed the structural vulnerability of cross-border petroleum trade. Earlier this month, Mexico's tax authority suspended import permits for companies like US-based Valero, disrupting fuel distribution in several regions. While some retailers suffered from shortages and intermittent closures, compliant importers and Mexico's state-run oil firm Pemex saw a surge in market share. Argus reported that some companies even posted year-on-year sales increases of up to 20% in northern Mexico.

Fuel smuggling is neither new nor rare in Mexico. The country has long battled with "huachicol fiscal"—a practice involving the import of fuel without proper taxes by declaring it under different tariff codes. According to La Jornada, this kind of fiscal evasion alone costs the Mexican tax authority (SAT) over MXN3bn monthly, approximately $150mn. Illegal self-supply points—some 20,000 nationwide—often outnumber legal gas stations and operate in anonymity, with few if any permits from the Energy Regulatory Commission (CRE).

The financial cost of fuel theft and contraband to the Mexican state is staggering. Market intelligence firm PetroIntelligence estimates that smuggling and theft cost the nation roughly $24mn per day, totalling nearly $10bn annually. These figures make up about 44% of all fuel tax revenue collected by Mexico in 2024. And while Pemex's own seizures in March and April this year included over 18mn litres of illicit hydrocarbons, this accounts for merely 7.2% of the volume smuggled by the Jensen operation alone, as reported by El Financiero.

Crucially, the situation casts serious doubt on institutional capacity and accountability. Francisco Barnés de Castro, former head of the CRE, argued that such massive losses cannot occur without the complicity of public officials. He pointed to Pemex’s offshore FPSO (Floating Production Storage and Offloading) units, often under minimal supervision, as likely points of theft and collusion. “It’s a mafia,” he said, implying systemic corruption within Mexico’s national oil company.

Mexico’s strategy has so far largely focused on operational crackdowns, but critics argue these are insufficient given the sophistication of smuggling tactics and the limited capacity for customs enforcement. As La Jornada notes, even when false declarations are caught, importers are often only required to pay the difference rather than face serious penalties. The government’s 2023 decree restricting mineral oil imports aimed to limit these loopholes, but enforcement remains patchy.

While the Jensens’ arrest may appear to be a rare instance of successful cross-border enforcement, it is more accurately a symptom of a much larger malaise. This is not merely about one family's criminal enterprise; it is about a multi-billion-dollar shadow economy that thrives in regulatory grey zones, enabled by both private greed and institutional negligence.

As the Mexican and US authorities dig deeper into the Jensen case, broader questions arise: How many similar operations go undetected? And more importantly, who else is complicit—knowingly or otherwise—in fuelling a system where organised crime, corruption, and corporate interests intersect so seamlessly?

The answer may not just reveal the scope of illegal fuel trade, but also the structural failings of two highly intertwined nations struggling to police their most critical economic arteries.

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